BALKH PROVINCE, AFGHANISTAN

A RADIO LISTENING SURVEY

by Juliette von Seibold (Media Support Solutions)

In partnership with the International Organization of Migration

Acknowledgements

This report would not have been possible without the assistance of a strong team of local researchers and interpreters: Ms. Delafroze, Ms. Zakia, Ms. Gotai, Ghulam Hazrat, Jameel Nasir, and Wali Farhodi. Special thanks also to Minhaj ul Haq, for the statistical tables and all the staff of IOM who helped with arrangements and made my stay so pleasant, particularly Samantha Paiella who recruited the interpreters and organised our visits, Richard Piper, Dona Kerna, Od Bjorn, Chris Petch, Fernando, Mr. Safi, the guesthouse manager and Ali Jan, the cook. I would also like to thank Colin Alfred and Rory McCarthy for their help and advice. And finally, many thanks to the people we interviewed for this report: the men and women in the villages and towns who gave their views freely and willingly.

• The efforts of HEAR to use local radio to broadcast humanitarian information have been partially successful in Balkh province. 12% of respondents interviewed recalled having heard HEAR’s bulletins on the local station, Radio Balkh. The majority found the bulletins useful. This is very encouraging given that the programme had been on air for only three weeks. However, this success is short-lived. Funding ran out and the programme closed after only five weeks. Thus, an enormous effort for very little return. Best practice would be to embark on emergency humanitarian broadcasts only if broadcasting is guaranteed for at least three months after a six week start-up period for recruitment, training etc., In future, consideration should also be given to: better labelling of humanitarian bulletins to aid people’s recall; and the promotion of humanitarian broadcasts during prime-time listening and through civil society groups.

• Radio ownership is widespread in Balkh province: 80% of respondents say they or their families own a radio. Rates of ownership between men and women barely differ indicating a sense of family rather than individual ownership. Education is a factor in radio ownership - more respondents who have attended school own a radio than those who do not (88% and 68% respectively).

• Poverty is a key factor effecting ownership with better-off citizens more likely to own a radio than poorer citizens.

• Lack of income is the most commonly cited reason for not owning a radio or having one that is broken. Those who do not own a radio tend to rely on their neighbours and the community for news. Joint listening is popular.

• Balkh citizens listen to the radio frequently: 60% of those interviewed say they listened in the last one to three days while 16% say they listened more than a week ago. Those who listen frequently tend to come from middle and low-income groups rather than very low-income groups. Pushtuns, an ethnic minority in the north of Afghanistan are the most frequent listeners. In a volatile environment, news helps them assess their security situation. Education is a factor in frequent listening: 75% of those who had attended school listen regularly.

• Balkh citizens listen to multiple stations. Men say their top three favourite radio stations in order of preference are: the BBC, Radio Balkh and the Voice of America (VOA) while women say Radio Balkh, the BBC and VOA. The local station, Radio Balkh, is more popular than anticipated. The qualitative survey echoes these results and explores preferences in more detail.

• The most popular radio programmes are: the news (50%); music (20%); educational and children’s programmes (19%) and current affairs (6%). In terms of news, most respondents opt for the BBC followed by Radio Balkh. Favourite educational and children’s programmes include the BBC’s New Life New Home, the VOA English language teaching programme and Radio Balkh’s Voices of the Young. Current affairs programmes include topics such as the Loya Jirga, democracy and round table debates.

• The majority of respondents can name the country’s leader - Hamid Karzai. Those who can’t tend to be women or from very low-income families. However fewer respondents (75%) can remember the name of an interim government minister.

• Men and women’s views differ on who they believe is in control. The majority of women think government are in control whereas men name specific commanders or parties. Further research is required to explore these differences.

• The majority of respondents are optimistic about the Loya Jirga (grand council) and the impact it will have on their lives. However more men are optimistic than women and more middle and low-income groups are more optimistic than very low-income groups.

• Half of the respondents think they have a chance to vote for a representative. A third say they don’t know, and just under fifth say they have no voting rights. Considerably more men than women think they can vote (68% against 27%) and more middle-income respondents than low or very low-income (60%, 48% and 26%). This result is not surprising given that the Loya Jirga is not fully democratic. Electors are chosen at the local level by shuras or groups of elders considered to represent the respected or powerful families in the region. Membership criteria of the shuras are undefined. Thus they are usually controlled by the most economically or militarily powerful forces in the region.

• The BBC and VOA are the most trusted radio stations. People perceive their global outreach as an indicator of reliability. Radio Balkh is not trusted but is considered essential listening because it provides information about the commanders necessary for security purposes. It is also valued for local flavour.

• Most people listen to the radio in the morning and the evening for about an hour. Prime time is between 6am - 8am and 8pm - 9pm.

• Many people found it difficult to recall specific names of programmes which either indicates collective bad memory or more likely, a need for better labelling of programmes.

• Most radio sets are FM. Cheap sets cost about $5. Chinese batteries cost about 6 cents a pair (a little more expensive than a free range egg) and last for little more than a week. Students and other low and very low-income respondents ration batteries because as one student says ‘anything that involves money is a problem’. Where there is electricity in Balkh (mainly in urban areas), supplies are intermittent.

• All men and women favour radio for children. Women have a much better idea of what their children listen to than men. They say children like drama (particularly the BBC’s New Life New Home), stories, poems and songs. Some rural women indicate a gap in children’s programming for teenagers, particularly girls who have not attended school or who have dropped out.

• Everyone associates peace first with disarmament and second with tangible outcomes such as jobs, education, and modern agriculture and health care.

• Most people think disarmament cannot be achieved by radio campaigns alone. International troops are required. Nevertheless the majority believe radio should do more and some suggested potential messages. Women tend to direct their messages at men and soldiers, emphasizing the importance of family life while men direct their messages at leaders and the nation emphasizing the need for good statesmanship. This reveals the gendered positions within the social hierarchies of Afghanistan.

• The majority are optimistic and supportive of the Loya Jirga. However many people have concerns and express disappointment at the lack of information and the dominance of warlords in the election process.

• Most people think ordinary Afghans have a role to play in rebuilding the country. Only those from very low-income groups feel they are too poor and powerless to contribute. The theme of unification and the need for Afghans to embrace ethnic harmony comes out strongly.

• People expect vision, determination and charisma from their leaders but above all they want peacemakers. If there is peace, many middle and low-income people say: ‘we can do the rest’.

1. Providing orientation to the mentors/project managers of START on a range of key issues outside their professional expertise such as: an overview of the modern history of Afghanistan; language training; survey methodologies; gender and race relations training; team building and negotiation skills; and first aid. This will give the team a professional profile and help them gain the confidence of those they are working with.
2. Developing a comprehensive training and mentoring approach. Impart a range of core skills and attitudes to programme makers and journalists. Include: communication and story telling skills; empathy; a sense of balance; and practice in checking facts. Enable trainees to work with specialists (agriculture, public health etc.,).
3. Increasing beneficiary involvement in defining programmes: Make audience listening surveys part of START’s mentoring efforts. This will help ensure that trainees understand the views and needs of target groups (including low and very-low income groups).
4. Widening access to radio listening for target low-income groups through a limited distribution of free wind-up radios. Change agents such as college students and rural primary school teachers/schools (both low-income) should be targeted. Such an intervention should be short term and would require careful piloting and monitoring.
5. Reviewing Afghanistan’s portfolio of children’s programmes to assess which gaps need to be filled: This survey indicates that there is a gap in meeting the educational needs of teenagers (particularly those who have missed school). A more thorough investigation would ensure that programmers do not duplicate existing efforts but meet the needs of an important target group.
6. Meeting consumer demand as revealed by this survey: Balkh citizens, mainly low and middle-income men and women suggest a range of programmes they would like to receive. They can be categorised as follows:

1. Governance issues including human rights (particularly women’s rights); political or voting rights; ethnic harmony and race relations; the role of government; security and justice;
2. Rehabilitation outreach programmes: Programmes that address poverty by helping people improve their well-being (health, nutrition, education and income). Key themes are agriculture, public health and income generation.
3. Peace and disarmament messages. Well-packaged targeted radio messages could create a climate of public opinion and pressure to support a wider disarmament campaign but messages on their own will achieve nothing and could lead to further disillusionment.

7. Labelling programmes more effectively: Well-labelled programmes can help attract the desired target audience and aid evaluations to improve programming.
8. Developing co-ordination and linking mechanisms: There is enormous opportunity for donor co-ordination and collaboration but also for establishing linkages with Afghanistan’s own flailing institutions that need to be involved in the rehabilitation effort for longer term sustainability.

1. Introduction

• people’s expectations and concerns regarding their security
• people’s opinions on the role of radio in promoting peace, disarmament, reconstruction and good governance;
• people’s information needs

1. Terms of reference

• To conduct FDGs in a neutral setting
• To restrict group size to seven to ten people only
• To ensure group members share similar characteristics and do not know one another
• To encourage different views and discussion between participants.

1. Methodology

The baseline survey

The baseline survey covers 219 people: 110 males and 109 female between the ages of 16 and 60. Although not representative, it represents the best attempt possible to capture listening preferences in a war torn environment.

A questionnaire with 19 questions (see Appendix 3) was used for 15 to 20 minute interviews with men and women from the main ethnic groups from urban and rural areas. The questionnaire was written in English, coded by a statistician and translated into Dari and Pushtu, the two main languages in Balkh province.

Individuals were for the most part randomly picked to capture the following break characteristics: ethnicity, gender, socio-economic diversity with a focus on poverty, school or non-school attendees; and radio or non-radio users.

Ethnicity

The research targeted four main ethnic groups in Balkh: Tajik, Uzbek, Hazara and Pushtun. However, a small number of women who described themselves as ‘Arab’ were also interviewed. There is an ‘Arab’ ethnic minority in Northern Afghanistan which clearly still sees itself as a distinct group. The table below shows that a higher percentage of Tajiks and Pushtuns were interviewed than other groups. Tajiks are the majority ethnic group in Balkh province although they make up approximately a third of Afghanistan’s total population. Pushtuns on the other hand are a minority ethnic group Balkh but a majority nationally. However, the ethnic focus on one majority and one minority group was not intentional but rather arose as a result of the security situation. We interviewed according to access.

Gender and age

The age of respondents by gender is detailed in the table below. Most respondents were between 20 and 50 years old.

Graph 2: Age of respondents by gender

The baseline survey covers a smaller number of Pushtun females than males because it was difficult to recruit a Pushtun female interviewer who could also speak English. Pushtun women generally are more constrained by traditional social norms and therefore have less access to education and professional work. This problem was overcome in part by interviewing Pushtu women (rural and urban) who spoke Dari. These women were randomly identified at the local hospital where they were visiting sick relatives.

Socio-economic status of respondents according to locality

The quantitative and qualitative research focused on three income groups:

• Very low-income: indicators for men in this category included part- or full time daily waged casual labour in fields, building sites or in the town markets. Indicators for women include: female headed households; women whose families relied on cash from less than one adult (male or female) or children; and families who earned income from cotton sorting or embroidery;

• Low-income: this category includes: urban men and women who work as government servants; rural men and women who have some agricultural land and livestock; and carpet or kilim weaving families (medium production).

• Middle-income: this category includes: shopkeepers; landowners; families who have larger herds of livestock; families who sell their carpet/kilim production regularly. While food security is assured in this group, access to education, particularly for women as well security concerns are often similar to very low and low-income families.

The two low-income categories also include individuals whose financial constraints either led them to sell their radios or prevented them from mending broken radios.

The socio-economic status of respondents by locality is illustrated below. As expected the majority of low and very low-income respondents were interviewed in rural areas. However more middle-income respondents were interviewed in rural areas than urban. It would be more usual to find the opposite. One explanation is the way in which the survey interviewers classified ‘middle-income’ to include for example, families who have larger herds of livestock or families who sell carpets regularly. In all the villages visited the survey team had to call first on the village leaders who usually were better off than the majority.

Graph 3: Socio-economic status by locality

Locality

The province of Balkh lies in the north of Afghanistan. It is bordered by Tajikistan and Uzbekistan and has easy access to Iran. 20% of the province is irrigated and cultivated, mainly in the centre, 30% is rain fed, mainly in the mountainous south, and in the north runs a large expanse of desert. In the spring apricots, plums and mulberries abound. Before the Soviet invasion the province boasted a thriving silk industry. Today it has all but died and only a few villages engage in silk production and weaving but the potential remains.

The province’s capital city, Mazar-i-Sharif is a major commercial centre and also a seat of learning. The local bazaars conduct a busy trade in goods from Pakistan, Iran and the Central Asian states. The city’s university, with faculties of agriculture, engineering, medicine, journalism etc., is struggling to rehabilitate itself and recover from years of fighting and Taliban rule. Demand for university places are high, teaching salaries are pitifully low and resources too few. The cities bustling dusty streets are built around the great blue mosque, which honours the shrine of Hazrat Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Mohammad. On Wednesdays the shrine is open again to women once barred by the recently ousted Taliban. Close to the capital lies the ancient and historic city of Balkh with Buddhist, Zoroastrian and Mogul ruins.

At the time of this survey the security situation of Balkh province was volatile. The three rival mujahideen factions were battling (and continue to battle) over territorial control prior to the Loya Jirga elections. Consequently, our movements were restricted to pre-selected villages within a one or two hour drive of Mazar-i-Sharif.

Qualitative Research

The methods used for the qualitative research were:

1. Group discussions with a variety of different categories of people, including urban male students, urban male professionals, urban females (low to middle-income of mixed ethnicity), rural males (Tajik, Hazara and Pushtun - middle, low and very low-income) and rural females (Tajik, Hazara and Pushtun - low and very-low-income).
2. One to one interviews with a variety of professional urban men and women.

1. Methodological conclusions

The questionnaire on the whole worked well particularly with low and middle-income groups but it did not work so well with very low-income respondents, particularly women. This poses a problem for researchers conducting baseline surveys for radio listening specifically - how to capture adequately the voices of the very poor?

It also proved very difficult to hold group or individual discussions with women from very low-income households. Separating these women for a quiet discussion and holding back the steady streams of interested neighbours, children and husbands is almost impossible. But a more significant constraint is the tragedy and suffering that marks most of these women’s lives and which makes it so difficult for them to engage without reverting to their own personal histories.

Robert Chambers in Rural Development: Putting the First Last suggests that poverty is often unseen or misperceived by outsiders who themselves are not rural and poor. Our difficulty however was not so much our inability to perceive poverty but rather to fulfil a terms of reference on a prescribed topic which was not a priority issue in the minds of very poor women. However, when our agendas did coalesce, for example, on the issue of peace, security and the future of Afghanistan - these men and women provide very valuable insights.

Overall the results of both the quantitative and qualitative surveys provide important insights into the opinions, needs and ideas of Balkh citizens who will be the stakeholders and beneficiaries of future activities to improve their local radio station - Radio Balkh. The qualitative component of this report includes quotations that are illustrative of the majority of opinions as well as the minority dissenting view.

Ms. Delafroze interviews a group of women in Mazar-i-Sharif, May 2002.

1. Results of the Baseline Survey

The survey team interviewed a total of 219 people: 109 female and 110 male.

1. Radio Ownership

Radio ownership in Balkh province is widespread: 78% of respondents say they or their families own a radio. There is no gendered division of radio ownership: almost the same numbers of women say they or their families own a radio as men. This indicates collective family ownership of radios rather than individual ownership.

Graph 4: Radio ownership by gender

Ethnicity is an important factor determining radio ownership. Pushtuns, a minority ethnic group in Balkh province have very high rates of radio ownership at 95%. As a minority they are likely to feel compelled to check their security regularly by listening to the radio. Ownership amongst the other ethnic groups is still high but markedly lower than that of Pushtuns: 75% for both Uzbeks and Hazaras and 67% for Tajiks. Very few of the ‘Arab’ women we interviewed had radios.

Other very low-income men gave similar and quite angry replies. For example,

Poverty is a key factor effecting ownership with better-off citizens of Balkh 25% more likely to own a radio than poorer citizens. For example, 98% of middle-income respondents say they own a radio as compared to 71% of low-income respondents and 60% of very low-income respondents.

Locality is less of a factor in ownership: A total of 85% of respondents from urban areas own radios and 72% in rural areas.

Education matters too. More respondents who had attended school own a radio than those who had not (88% and 68% respectively).

One fifth of respondents say they do not own a radio (22%). Of these, the majority come from rural rather than urban areas (69% and 31%) and from very low-income and low-income families.

Most respondents who do not currently own a radio say they used to own one in the past (67%). These respondents also come from low-income and very low-income families (71% and 58% respectively).

Ethnicity is a key factor in past radio ownership. The province’s two minority groups, Pushtuns and Hazaras show much higher rates of previous ownership (90% and 80% respectively) than their Tajik and Uzbek neighbours (59% and 57% respectively) indicating a greater decline in well-being status for minority ethnic groups.

Lack of family income is the most commonly cited reason for not owning a radio or having one that is broken. Nearly 70% of respondents say they cannot afford to buy a radio while 21% say they cannot afford to mend their broken radios. 8% say their radios have been stolen. The remaining 10% say: they have insufficient leisure time; they are too busy working to listen or radio is a waste of time.

Graph 5: Reasons for not owning a radio

Male and female respondents who do not have a radio say they rely more on their neighbours and the community for news than their relatives. Most respondents (82%) who do not have a radio say they hear the ‘news’ from neighbours or the community. However, men rely more on the community for news than women. Women say they often visit their neighbours to listen with others.

Only 29% of men and 10% of women rely on their relatives for news. This is probably due to constrained finances although men appear to visit more often than women reflecting men’s greater mobility. Of those who rely on relatives for news, low-income respondents rely more on relatives than very low-income respondents (29% and 7% respectively). Isolation from, or lack of relatives may be an important factor of poverty in Balkh. For example, during the qualitative research it was noted that a group of old widows in one village who relied on the charity of neighbours for their up-keep were most concerned by their lack of relatives, all of whom had died. They regarded the absence of these relatives as the root cause of their misery. Relatives may be the last resort in Afghanistan against destitution, isolation and alienation.

Men in urban and rural areas say they tend to get news from the community while women rely on the neighbours. This reflects the sharp gender differences in mobility and access to public space in Balkh province. Most women in Balkh only go out in public if shrouded by the all-enveloping burka where sight and speech are constrained by a material lattice covering the face. Unlike men, women are not seen loitering or chatting in public. Men largely dominate public space while women tend to hurry through it. For women therefore, slipping next door to the neighbours to listen to the radio with other women and children is much easier than navigating public space in a shroud for news.

On the other hand, men without a family radio prefer gathering news from the community in the outside world away from the interior domestic space of women and children. There they can be seen chatting in the local bazaars or village shops as they work or pass through. Indeed, it’s a common sight in Balkh to see a group of men sitting together under a tree, or in a samovar over a cup of chai with a friend who has a radio.

3. Frequency of listening

People listen to the radio frequently in Balkh province: In total 60% of respondents say they listened to the radio in the last one to three days; 16% say they listened more than a week ago and only 24% say they do not remember when they last listened.

Pushtuns are the most frequent radio listeners. Almost 80% of Pushtuns say they listened to the radio in the last one to three days, followed by 54% of Hazaras and Uzbeks and 49% of Tajiks.

Schooling appears to be a factor in regular radio listening with 75% of respondents who had been to school saying they listen regularly.

4. Station Preferences

Most respondents indicate that they are multiple station listeners in Balkh Province. Men most frequently say they listen to the BBC and Radio Balkh (92% and 90%) followed by the VOA (63%), Radio Kabul (17%) and Radio Delhi (9%). Women mention specific radio stations less frequently than men but their responses cover a wider range of stations. Women mention listening to Radio Balkh more frequently than the BBC (63% and 58% respectively). Women mention VOA much less frequently than men (17% and 63% respectively). Other radio stations mentioned by women include: Radio Kabul (13%); Radio Delhi, Radio Iran and Radio Uzbekistan (5% each); and Radio Tajikistan (2%).

Graph 6: Choice of stations by gender

One hundred and seventy nine respondents specified a first choice of a favourite radio programme. Of these respondents, 86 gave a second choice, 26 a third choice and eight a fourth choice. Their preferences are outlined below.

First choice - favourite programme (179 respondents)

The news comes top as favourite programme: Out of 179 respondents just under 50% say their favourite radio programme is ‘news’: Of these, 31% mention the BBC news, 8% Radio Balkh, 5% general news on any channel and 1% VOA news.

Listening to music is also popular. Fewer than 20% say they like listening to music. 12% of the 179 respondents listen to music on any station, 4% mention Radio Delhi and 2% mention music on the BBC.

Educational and children’s programmes are also favourites: Just under 20% mention children’s programmes and educational programmes as favourites. Of these 5% of the 179 respondents mention the BBC’s New Life New Home; 5% mention the VOA English language teaching programme and 2% mention Radio Balkh’s ‘Voices of the Young’.

Current affairs programmes, including programmes on the Loya Jirga, democracy, round-table debates, are least mentioned as a favourite programme (6%).

In the first choice category, the total number of named programmes on named radio stations mentioned by respondents was 19 of which; seven programmes are on the BBC; four on Radio Balkh and five on VOA.

Second choice favourite programme (86 respondents)

Music comes first in the second choice category: 35% of respondents chose music (23% listen to music on Radio Delhi; 8% on Radio Balkh and 4% chose music on the BBC).

News comes second place next at 27%. Choice is evenly divided between the BBC, Radio Balkh and general news at 8% each followed by VOA at 2% and Radio Kabul also at 2%

General Educational programmes are the least popular - only 7% of respondents chose this subject.

In this category the total number of named programmes on named radio stations mentioned by respondents is 24: 13 programmes on Radio Balkh (with news being the most popular); five programmes on the BBC (with news being the most popular) and three on VOA (with news and music equal in popularity).

Third choice of favourite programme (26 respondents)

Eleven respondents chose Children’s and Educational programmes, six of whom chose the BBC’s New Life New Home programme. Less frequently chosen educational programmes include: the BBC science programme, Radio Balkh’s Islamic Lesson and VOA’s education programmes.

Seven respondents chose news with most opting for Radio Balkh news, and the rest, Radio Tehran News or news on unspecified stations.

Two respondents chose programmes on the Loya Jirga - one on VOA and one on an unspecified station.

The total number of named programmes on named radio stations in this category was 12. Three programmes were on the BBC, five on Radio Balkh and three on the VOA.

Fourth choice of radio programme - 8 respondents

Half of the respondents chose news (evenly split between the BBC and VOA). The remainder chose individually - music on Radio Tehran, drama, and answering the letters on Radio Balkh.

Is news good news?

Eighty per cent of radio listeners say that the last piece of news they heard on the radio was ‘positive’ while the remaining 20% say they ‘don’t know’.

Of those respondents who say they ‘don’t know’ whether the last news they heard was negative or positive, most (43%) are from very low-income rather than the low and middle-income brackets (24%). In addition, most have not been to school. However, more non-school attendees say they that the last pieces of news they heard was positive news than those who say - ‘don’t know’ (66% and 34%).

There are gender differences in the rating of news: 95% of men say the last news they heard was positive compared to 65% of women. Women are also ten times more inclined to say they ‘don’t know’ whether the news was negative or positive than men (34% and 3%).

The minority ethnic groups, Pushtuns and Hazaras voted more enthusiastically for having heard positive news (92% and 80% respectively) than the majority ethnic groups, Tajiks and Uzbeks who voted 77% and 61%.

Overall the reflection by the majority of respondents that the last piece of news was positive can be taken to illustrate high levels of optimism and the widespread belief among rural and urban men and women interviewed for this survey that life is improving in Afghanistan ‘step by step’. A number of respondents also noted during the qualitative research that before September 11^th Afghanistan had been ‘forgotten by the world’ but afterwards the country ‘became international news and the world remembered us’. Clearly for many people, hearing Afghanistan at the top of the international news agenda is ‘positive’ after years of war, devastation and isolation.

6. Radio Balkh’s ‘Together for Afghanistan’ - do people listen? Is it relevant and interesting?

In mid-November 2001 shortly after the Taliban were ousted from power, aid operations in Afghanistan increased dramatically mainly focusing on food security and the return of refugees and internally displaced people. During this time, Media Support Solutions, partnered with the International Organisation of Migration, which is largely involved in returning Internally Displaced People and reconstruction, launched a radio programme with local radio stations. In Balkh province this programme was named ‘Together for Afghanistan’. Unfortunately it only ran for a total of five weeks before funding dried up. Each episode of the programme presented a news bulletin about UN, donor and NGO activities and a main feature, which usually focused on a humanitarian or social issue.

‘Together for Afghanistan’ was aired on Radio Balkh three times a week at 6.30 pm. Part of the terms of reference for this radio survey was to assess whether this programme and other programmes promoting reconstruction and social development (e.g., the BBC’s New Life New Home) reach the local population and whether they are considered interesting and relevant.

The survey shows quite low rates of recall for ‘Together with Afghanistan’ (12%) but three quarters of these respondents found the programme relevant and useful. The programme had been playing for three weeks when this survey was conducted which is probably not long enough to lodge in most people’s minds.

The timing of the programme may also explain these low rates of recall. The programme was aired on Radio Balkh just after the main news at 6pm but this is the time most households settle in the livestock and prepare the evening meal before listening to the BBC and VOA news at 8pm.

Given the short life of this emergency radio programme it has demonstrated some success in terms of recall. However this success is undermined by the programme’s short duration, which represents an enormous effort and output for little return. The original project proposal envisaged six months of funding with a six-week start-up period to, recruit staff, train and set up agreements with local radio stations. However, due to pressure from one of the funding donors for almost immediate airing of bulletins, the start-up period had to be abandoned.

Best practice would be to embark on emergency humanitarian broadcasts only if broadcasting is guaranteed for at least 3 months following an initial six week start-up period for staff recruitment and training. Consideration should also be given to better labelling of humanitarian broadcasts to assist recall and their promotion during prime-time radio programmes and through civil society groups and NGOs.

7. Knowledge of Current Political Processes

In addition to radio listening preferences the survey also investigated local knowledge concerning political processes in Afghanistan as an indicator of political awareness, participation and general knowledge recall. The results are encouraging and show high levels of awareness in Balkh province of current political events. However, the responses reveal that participation in political processes is confined to those who have some social and economic power or standing in the community, i.e., men from middle and low-income groups as opposed to women from all income groups and men from very low income groups.

Can you name the leader of Afghanistan and any of his ministers?

The baseline survey reveals that the majority of respondents could easily recall the name of their current leader, Hamid Karzai. Almost all men could recall his name and 81% of women. All Pushtuns remembered Karzai’s name, 88% of Tajiks, 86% of Hazaras, 78% of Uzbeks and only 33% of the small minority of Arab women interviewed. All ethnic groups said Karzai’s name with enthusiasm and pride. The high recall amongst Pushtuns is explained by their frequent radio listening patterns and their allegiance to ethnic identity: Karzai is himself a Pushtun.

Those women who could not recall Karzai’s name often threw up their arms and laughed, saying:

One woman said:

And a number of respondents were quietly prompted by their children.

Fewer respondents could name a minister in the interim government (75%). Male respondents were better at remembering the name of a minister than female respondents (95% and 56% respectively).

Just over 80% of those in the middle and low-income bracket could remember the name of a minister as opposed to 50% in the very low-income bracket. This possibly reflects the levels at which income groups listen to the news. If listeners are very poor, they are most likely consumed with worry and work and therefore listen less intently and recall less.

Who controls this area?

The baseline also sought people’s views on who controlled their area - for example, the government or other forces? The results are starkly divided along gender lines.

The majority of women (92%) believe the government to be in control while only a small minority of men hold this view (14%). Most men believe specific commanders to be in control of their locality (85%).

Territory in Balkh is divided between the three main commanders, the most powerful of whom, Mohammed Atta and General Abdul Rashid Dostum, are regularly cited by men as being in control. There is in fact little government control as such in Balkh Province. The rule of government in Afghanistan is as yet mainly confined to Kabul.

Thus, the assertion of women that government is in control may be the result of their lack of understanding of the political reality where they associate local commanders with government. This stark gendered division of knowledge of realpolitik raises important questions that should be explored further in the future. For example, are issues relating to government, politics and security perceived as ‘male issues’ by men and therefore not discussed with women? Do men and women discuss these issues in different ways - if so how? To what extent do men and women from different ethnic and income groups discuss what they hear in the community, from neighbours and relatives and on the radio?

The Loya Jirga

The Loya Jirga is a Pushtu phrase meaning ‘grand council’. In Afghanistan Loya Jirgas have traditionally been made up of tribal leaders and other elders - almost all men - sent to Kabul by local shuras (village led councils). In the past Loya Jirgas have involved representatives from almost all of Afghanistan’s major ethnic and religious groups: Pushtun, Tajik, Uzbek, Turkmen, Baluch, Farsiwan, and Nuristani; as well as Sunii, Shi’a, Hindu and Sikh. Women however have been largely absent. The current Loya Jirga was set in motion by the Bonn Agreement of December 5, 2001, which created an interim administration in Afghanistan and a timetable for setting up a future, elected government. The agreement said that within six months an emergency Loya Jirga would be convened to appoint a transitional administration which would in turn lead Afghanistan for up to two years, until a fully representative government can be elected through free and fair elections.

Do you believe in the Loya Jirga?

The majority of respondents (82%) feel enthusiastic about the Loya Jirga and the impact it will have on their lives. Almost all men and two thirds of women hold this view. Slightly more Pushtuns and Hazaras combined (77%) are more inclined to believe that the Loya Jirga will be successful than Tajiks and Uzbeks (71%). Pushtun optimism in particular may stem from their majority status as an ethnic group in Afghanistan and their collective belief that Hamid Karzai and the former king, Zahir Shah (who is also a Pushtun), will play lead roles.

Middle and low-income groups are more affirmative in their responses (91% and 86%) than very low-income groups (56%). However, during qualitative research most urban professionals who support the Loya Jirga also express reservations, for example:

Other views concerning the Loya Jirga are explored in more detail in the chapter that follows on the qualitative research findings.

Is there an opportunity for you to participate in choosing a candidate for the Loya Jirga?

The baseline survey was conducted during the four weeks prior to the second phase of the Loya Jirga in the north of Afghanistan (26^th April - 21 May). The regional selection of candidates from districts in Faryab, Jawzjan, Samangan and Balkh provinces took place in Mazar on 21^st May 2002.

The baseline survey reveals that a little more than half of respondents think they have a right to vote for a representative for their locality. A third say they ‘didn’t know’ while just under a fifth say they have ‘no chance to vote’. This may indicate a lack of information but more likely a marginalizing of ordinary Afghans from a process that favours the more powerful.

More men than women think they can vote (68% and 27% respectively). Indeed, 34% of women say they cannot vote and 38% say they don’t know. This suggests that women’s expectations of participating in political processes are lower than men’s.

More respondents living in rural areas say they have a chance to vote than those living in urban areas. This is probably because we interviewed village leaders in rural areas who were involved in the selection process whereas the urban selection process had not begun and we probably had less access to urban leaders whereas interviewing cannot take place in villages without passing through the village leader.

In total, 60% of middle-income respondents say they can vote as opposed to 48% low-income and 26% very low-income. Most very low-income respondents say they don’t know whether they can vote or not.

These findings regarding the selection process for the Loya Jirga illustrate clearly that this institution is not fully democratic. Electors are chosen at the local level by shuras or groups of elders considered to represent the respected or powerful families in the region. Membership criteria of the shuras are undefined. Thus they are usually controlled by the most economically or militarily powerful forces in the region. As a result, political, gender-based, and ethnic inequalities are widespread as this survey clearly shows.

Conclusion

The baseline survey reveals encouraging findings on radio ownership, listening and programme preferences. Radio ownership is widespread at 78% with almost equal numbers of men and women owning a radio. Although 20% do not own radio, they hear the news from community members, neighbours or relatives, either by word of mouth or by joint radio listening. Most Balkh citizens who have a radio listen frequently to a wide range of programmes, the most popular of which are: the BBC, Radio Balkh and VOA. Radio Balkh is more popular than originally anticipated which is encouraging for those donors who plan to support local radio broadcasting in Afghanistan. The qualitative research findings outlined below take a closer look at people’s perceptions regarding radio listening and issues relating to good governance and the reconstruction of Afghanistan.

2. Qualitative Research Findings

1. General Radio Listening Patterns and Practices

These findings are derived from 13 group discussion sessions (six with women and seven with men; four urban and nine rural) and from four in-depth interviews (see Appendix 2 for details). The two most successful female group discussions were held with a group of urban Tajik women in Mazar and a group of rural Hazara women in a village about 45 minutes away. The success of these discussions rests on three key factors: first, both took place in secluded rooms (one in the Mazar mosque and one in the Hazara ladies’ prayer hall) while the three other discussion groups with women were at the mercy of a open door policy; second, the income and education levels of the Hazara and Tajik women (low and middle-income, largely schooled) enabled them to respond more easily to our questions than the low or very low-income women from the other four discussion groups; and third, the women in these two groups expressed on occasion different opinions.

The discussion groups with urban men also took place in secluded rooms and for the most part were held with professionals and students. The rural discussion groups took place mainly in Hujras (meeting rooms) but also in the open under a tree. On no occasion however did men from the same discussion group express different opinions from one another. It is usual amongst men in Afghanistan to defer to the opinion of the most senior and well-respected man present.

What stations do you listen to?

There are clearly three top favourite radio stations in Balkh province:

• The BBC
• VOA
• Radio Balkh

Men tend to recall more stations than women. They mention, Radio Kabul, Delhi, Pakistan, Germany and Radio Mashad from Iran. Young male students and young women also enjoy the music on Radio Delhi.

Why do you choose these stations?

Most people say they choose these stations for their extensive news coverage. Both men and women like to hear global news but also news that relevant to Afghanistan and locally specific. Most people say they choose the BBC and VOA because they provide ‘facts’ and accurate information about the state of affairs in Afghanistan. Radio Balkh is regarded as essential listening even though it is not rated for its quality. Students mention enjoying educational programmes such as the agricultural programme on Radio Tehran and the medical programme on the BBC.

Which station do you trust the most?

All respondents mention just two stations: the BBC and VOA, in that order. Most say these stations are balanced and truthful which in their view is why they attract such a large global audience. Urban women say they trust the VOA more than any other station because it keeps them in touch with their relatives in America. A number of men point out that although Radio Balkh was not to be trusted, it was still important and played a crucial role by providing local information that the international stations cannot provide.

The awareness of local people on the limitations of local radio stations elsewhere in terms of openness, freedom of speech and transparency is also highlighted by Heather Budge-Reid and a number of other radio researchers.

Does radio talk about things you like?

The majority like what radio offers. But quite a few men and women suggest other kinds of programmes they would like to hear. For example, one urban woman and her friends at the gate of the Mazar mosque were very vocal in asking for more programmes about women, particularly women’s rights. Another group of village women suggest more programmes for young girls who had missed schooling. Most men and women feel they need more educational programmes and programmes that helped them back to jobs.

The majority of the middle-income and educated men and women suggest using radio to promote reconstruction, education and development. Students and professors suggest involving key institutions, such as the Faculty of Agriculture and Medicine in making programmes for extension workers to use with villagers. A number of people ask why most news is bad news implying that more good news would be welcome.

When do you listen to the radio most and for how long?

Both urban and rural listeners listen to the radio both in the morning and in the evening but the evening is the most popular. The most commonly cited listening times are between 6am - 8am and 7pm - 9pm. Professionals have favourite educational programmes that they listen to in the afternoon.

The majority of men and women say they listen for an hour or two at a time but a number of people, namely college students, ethnic minorities and women who embroider or sort cotton say they listen whenever they can and for as long as possible to multiple channels.

Very low and low-income respondents indicate that they do not measure time when they listen to the radio or distinguish between the end of one programme and the beginning of another. The latter point indicates either collective bad memory or, more likely, that the titles and subjects of programmes are not clearly articulated either on local radio or the international stations.

What about batteries?

The cheapest FM radio on the market in Balkh costs a little more than 400,000 Afghanis ($5). Chinese batteries that last for a week cost 6,000 Afghanis (6 cents) for a pair and are a little more expensive than the cost of a free range egg (4,000 Afghanis).

What would you do if you ran out of batteries?

In our female discussion groups we told a story about a woman whose radio ran out of batteries just as she wanted to sit down and listen to her favourite programme. We asked: what would you do if this happened to you?

Middle and most low-income women say batteries are not a problem but low and very low-income women said they are. Quite a few of the low-income women say they sell eggs and bread to buy batteries while others say they borrow from the neighbours.

We did not use this story with men but their responses were similar. Middle-income men say they do not have a problem buying batteries while low and very low-income men do. Quite a few men and women talk about the expense of buying batteries and the need to ration listening.

1. Children and Radio

In Balkh province, listening to the radio is an important part of many children’s lives.

Many children in Balkh province work formally and informally. Most rural families we interviewed relied in part on children’s labour for cash or in kind returns.

In rural areas boys over the age of 12 are often engaged as daily waged labour working in fields and looking after livestock while girls embroider, make kilims or carpets, sort cotton with younger children and collect water. In urban areas young boys transport goods on hand pushed carts, work as street vendors, shop apprentices or message boys.

In the villages we visited where there were schools, most leaders reported that 60 - 70% of children had returned to school. Many school returnees were encouraged by UNICEF’s massive ‘Back to School’ campaign which has delivered tented classrooms, textbooks, blackboards and other essentials to many villages in Balkh. However, a significant number of girls and older children appear to be still missing out on schooling. Firstly there are not enough teachers and too few books (most teachers interviewed say UNICEF is underestimating demand); secondly, many children are still required to work to support their families; and thirdly - parents and teachers believe that mixed age classes are inappropriate, an attitude which leaves older boys and girls with few or no opportunities to catch up with missed schooling. In this context radio can be expected to be valued as ‘a last resort’ in terms of education. Indeed, one college student points out that radio had been an invaluable source of education for children during the Taliban years.

‘When the Taliban were in charge only some boys went to school. But there were hardly any teachers because the salaries were never paid so basically kids learnt nothing. Radio was virtually the only thing that provided any sort of education.’ (Urban male college student)

Many interviewees ask for more educational radio programmes. Some rural women indicate that there is a lack of programmes for teenage children, particularly girls who have missed out on education or who have dropped out. They say programmes should be made that target girls and boys in their puberty with practical skills that they use to generate an income.

Programme makers should remember that the divisions between a child and an adult are more blurred in a society where many children work in similar ways to adults. Therefore educational programmes whether they are directed at adults or children may be deemed suitable for both. In terms of labelling educational programmes, more could be done to promote the educational and entertainment value of encouraging children to listen.

Should children listen to radio and do your children listen?

Everyone thinks children should listen to radio and all men and women interviewed have children who listen. However, quite often men and women note that one of their children in particular is an avid radio listener. It would be useful to explore the child-to-child or child-to-parent effect of this kind of listening relating to educational programmes.

What programmes do your children listen to?

The majority of women in the two most effective female group discussions knew which programmes their children listened to while most men in discussion groups did not. Children’s programmes are reported to be very popular; however, rural men and women also mention that children listen to the news, music and other programmes. This indicates that radio listening is communal with family members listening together but that mothers are more aware than fathers of their children’s likes and dislikes.

Those parents (men and women) who say their children listen to the BBC’s New Home New Life unanimously praise the programme for its quality and humour. A number of middle-income women say their children prefer to watch TV when it’s available.

‘Children should listen to the radio. I have a daughter and she just loves the radio. She turns it on all by herself and she’s only five’. (Urban man)

‘My middle daughter is the keenest radio listener in the family. She listens to everything and keeps us all informed.’ (Rural woman)

‘My children love ‘New Life New Home’. Their enthusiasm for this programme made me listen too. I was amazed, it actually teaches you useful things’. (Urban man)

‘Look at my daughter, she’s almost a woman and she has missed out on education. Children like her need radio programmes that will help them through life.’

What aspects of these programmes do your children enjoy?

Most groups found this question difficult to answer. However, one group of women say:

‘Children love dramas. They also like anything with nice voices telling stories, reading poems and singing songs’.

2. Radio as a means of promoting peace

In your opinion, can radio help bring peace to Afghanistan?

The majority think that radio can help promote peace but to a limited extent. Men and women unanimously say there will be no peace until guns are collected. Urban middle-income groups and minority ethnic groups emphasize the role of the outside world and honest leaders in establishing and maintaining peace. A number of interviewees link peace to tangible outcomes. For example, women link peace to their security and their freedom of movement while men often link peace to jobs. Both men and women mention that indicators of peace are not just an end to fighting but also include access to education, modern agriculture and health care. Urban men, particularly professionals emphasize the link between peace, ethnic harmony and good leadership of the country and its related institutions.

‘Every one wants peace. Even the radio is shouting it.’ (Rural man)

‘I think the radio can contribute about 50% to the peace process but it is unrealistic to expect it to solve all our problems. The process needs support from the outside world.’ (Urban college students)

‘We need the many ethnic groups in Afghanistan to unite in order to bring about peace. We need a strong leader and support from the outside world and we need professionals to run the institutions. Under the Taliban we had a shepherd running this (medical clinic) - now this new lot have imposed someone with no experience at all.’ (Urban professional)

‘We have yet to see the benefits of peace, a clinic, a school and good agriculture.’ (Rural man)

‘There will be no peace unless the guns are collected.’ (Rural woman)


’A woman is never safe where there are men with guns.’ (Rural Afghan woman).

‘My dear Afghanistan you need peace. You need to develop. You need to catch up on all the things you have missed during these twenty-three years. You are so far behind the rest of the world. Radio is not enough we need so many more linkages with the outside world.’ (Urban male student)

Can radio encourage men to put down their guns and go to work?

Everyone regards disarmament as a critical precondition for peace. Some urban men express their frustration at the west for having supported the mujahideen during the war against the Soviet occupation in the 1980s and their present inability to disarm them.

‘The west armed these commanders. Presumably they knew what they were doing. Now they want to disarm them - well surely they know how to do that too? Why are they sending you to ask us? We are not responsible. Ask those who are responsible.’ (Urban professional)

Other interviewees seek less to explain Afghanistan’s present predicament of simmering conflict and more to describe their frustrations with life under the gun and their lack of ability to participate in determining their own security.

‘Whenever we come to work we are followed by dark vehicles with soldiers. We don’t know who they are or why they are armed. On the gates of this hospital there are 12 or more soldiers. We haven’t asked for them and we don’t want them. They intimidate our patients’ and us. (Urban professional man)

‘We cannot do our jobs if our institutions are run by men with guns.’ (Urban men)

‘We cannot walk freely while there are men with guns.’ (Rural woman)

However, there are mixed views as to the power of radio to promote disarmament successfully. Most interviewees say radio can help disarm but almost equal numbers of people believe that the international community and the security forces have to play a role. Some people say men will give up their guns only if they are paid or trained for alternative work. These people express their frustrations with the lack of progress on addressing disarmament and demobilisation. A small number of urban men say that disarmament is not the key issue but rather the elimination of racial and ethnic hatred.

‘Radio can help especially if compelling arguments are presented from Afghans themselves that encourage men to give up their arms and fighting. I think people are moved by excellent words’. (Urban professional man)

Yes, radio can help -we need good dramas that explain what our lives would be like without guns’. (Rural women)

Of course radio cannot help. Without external force there will be no disarmament. We would support an international peace keeping force that disarms in every district. Our military commanders would not support it because they benefit from the continuing insecurity and confusion.’ (Professional urban man)

‘It’s OK for radio to talk about peace and giving up guns but frankly it’s not realistic to expect much. Men have to be forced by the international security forces. We believe this will happen after the election. (Rural man)

‘You need to pay men to give up their guns.’ (Rural man)

‘These men need work - they have nothing to do but fight.’ (Urban man)

‘We’ve been hearing on the radio for six months that this village or those groups have been disarmed. In fact no one has been disarmed yet.’ (Urban professional man)

‘Disarmament is not important. Overcoming the hatred in people’s minds is what matters. This is what leads to fighting. We have to get our differences now.’ (Urban professional)

‘Where there is tolerance and acceptance guns are not used.’ (Urban man)

Have you heard the radio talking about peace or asking men to stop fighting?

There is some acknowledgement that radio programmes are talking about peace but all interviewees express frustration with the shortfall between what is said (often by the commanders themselves on Radio Balkh) and the reality of the insecurity and uncertainty that continues to surround their lives.

I don’t think radio puts out the right kind of programmes about peace.’ (Urban woman)

‘I haven’t heard enough on the radio about peace, democracy or human rights. Yes, you hear things but it is not yet having an effect on people’. (Urban man)

‘Everyday we hear promises but little is happening.’ (Rural man)

Yes the radio is talking now about peace. It says: ‘stop fighting it’s time to learn’. God willing, it will happen slowly.’ (Rural man)

Should radio talk more about peace?

The majority say yes - radio should talk more about peace. In fact rural and urban women believe too much local radio is concerned with fighting and not enough with reconstruction and peace. Given that local radio is valued for providing news on the activities of local commanders this is hardly surprising. Several urban men point out that the commanders control Radio Balkh and that peace is not necessarily in their interests. This raises the issue of how to overcome or work around radio censorship by powerful interest groups. Many interviewees emphasise the necessity for national and international leaders to take affirmative action. One suggestion was to reinforce radio with dialogue on the ground through mini Loya Jirgas.

‘Yes. The radio should offer all the soldiers the possibility of education.’ (Urban professional man)

‘There’s too much about war and fighting.’ (Rural woman)

‘Yes. But it’s difficult. The commanders control the local radio station. The scrutinize everything that goes out. Local stations are not free.’ (Urban man)

‘Radio is an important way of reaching people. But in the villages? I’m not so sure. We need radio but we also need face-to-face discussions with people. I’m in favour of small jirgas which could train in each community to promote peace, human rights, and democracy.’ (Urban man)

‘More important is an honest leader’. (Rural man)

‘Radio has to be backed up by international action on the ground. Only then will we have peace.’ (Rural man)

What messages should the radio give and to who?

Men and women’s responses differ in the suggestions that they give for radio messages promoting peace. Poor rural women, who carry the bulk of family responsibility, tend to suggest messages that are directed at soldiers (implying husbands, brothers and sons who are soldiers) rather than commanders or leaders. They suggest messages that emphasise men’s responsibility to their families and the future of their children. Men on the other hand recommend messages that are less concerned with individual responsibility and more with collective decision-making. Thus they talk about messages directed at leaders and the nation in general.

These differences between responses reflect the gender divisions of labour, space and interests - in relation to peace and disarmament. For example, men may suggest peace messages, which do not interfere with their interests, i.e., to fight and carry a gun. But while carrying a gun may be in men’s interests, they may not do it entirely by choice or free will. If we recognise that most Afghan men - be they urban office workers, rural farmers or soldiers - are locked in a social hierarchy where they are oppressed by the tyranny of ruling commanders, we can interpret men’s responses as demanding a way out of their own subjugation. Men may in fact be saying: leaders should not tell us or other men to fight - commanders should lead us to peace. Women on the other hand spend most of their lives in the private sphere of family, punctuated by hurried visits through public (male) space to shop, sell their wares or work in the fields but they are entirely subjugated by an asymmetrical social hierarchy which places them in effect underneath or at the mercy of all men (either with or without guns). Therefore their messages are directed at men.

‘You have to tell men that family life is important and you have to find a clever way of saying this so they listen. If men don’t listen to these kinds of messages, it will be a waste of time.’ (Rural woman)

‘The radio should explain to soldiers why peace is important for the future of families and particularly children’. (Urban women)

‘The radio has to talk about peace, democracy and our rights. Tell people that they have a right to choose a leader. Tell leaders they have a duty to be responsible and that they will be accountable. Make them accountable!’(Urban man)

3. The Loya Jirga, peace and reconstruction

What are your views on the Loya Jirga?

The majority of interviewees both urban and rural are optimistic and supportive of the Loya Jirga. However, urban men and women have more to say on the issue of the elections than their rural neighbours - probably because they can afford to be more confident and trusting. A very small minority of urban professionals are cynical and regard the process as an imposed foreign construct.

However, although most urban men and women are optimistic they express concern, disappointment and often anger at the presence of warlords and their representatives in the election process. Some rural men, mainly ethnic minorities, also mention the co-opting of the election process but they tend to believe that the international forces will keep rogue warlords in check. Some urban men express concern at the lack of information in the broadcast media about the Loya Jirga process.

On June 19^th 2002 the Loya Jirga process came to a close. Hamid Karzai presented a cabinet that represented slightly more broadly the ethnic mix in Afghanistan. Karzai was elected president for the next two years with little opposition and a commission was set up to create a mini parliament which will help him and his cabinet govern the country until elections are held in two years time. In terms of the implications of the cabinet on Balkh, General Abdul Rashid Dostum lost his job as deputy defence minister and Mohammad Mohaqqeq, the Hazara leader, lost his job as planning minister. Senior figures from Jamiat, which is predominately Tajik, still control the powerful defence ministry (Field Marshall Mohammad Fahim) and the foreign ministry (Abdullah Abdullah).

Who is responsible for bringing peace to Afghanistan?

More women answer this question than men. Most women talk about America and the UN bringing peace while a few men talk about the future of the Loya Jirga and its role. It is possible that men regard foreign intervention in the removal of the Taliban with shame.